Economic and Trade Ties Between China and The Middle East

The Silk Road was the name of a set of roads which were conveyed by ships and convoys between Europe and China. According to Halpern (2015). China launched its intercontinental ties based on three policies identified as diplomacy, near the ocean «Peripheral Diplomacy», strategies and initiative. The New Silk Road isn’t merely leading to promote the economy but similarly to generate a new opportunity for the youth sectors in all participating nations in this way. It equally contributes to an alteration of scenery geo-economic, political and geo-East along with the Middle East with the development of a robust and new body of weight behind viewpoints is mostly more severe consequences for the program of any external party affects the safety and national policies of the inhabitants. Fernandez, and Hogenboom, (2006) found that the Middle East areas have a strategic view of China’s significant concerning numerous advantages, such as near the market of the Chinese arcade compared to the African, European and US arcades. According to Garrisi (2015), one more advantage is that road offers purchasing power, particularly in oil nations near the Middle East. Hence, China has fortified efforts of some states to resuscitate the early Silk Road, and it has been connected to some parts of China, Kazakhstan, linking some of the Western provinces of China to Germany. Hamashita (2013) states that the Chinese discovered the silk business in the early 3000 BC, and they knew how master this exciting art as well as how to build its embroidery. This business has amazed the minds of many people; they pursued silk acquisition in several ways; hence they were getting profit for its mass in precious stones. Four thousand years ago, Silk route commenced to take from China to the globe. Not only silk alone, in fact, numerous goods were spread with silk road (Hamashita,2013). These were goods which had specific paths which were known a long time ago as the Silk Road, and they were transported from China to Central Europe, North Africa, Central Asia, and to Asia.


Literature review


As said by Harold, and Nader (2012). China’s promise of a massive infrastructure, and the investment plan, is reasonably appealing for several the Middle East and North Africa nations since their economy slowed because of the dwindling prices of oil and political instability. Promises linked to the One Belt One Road may reach as high as a billion doughs besides will comprise more than sixty-states. China is equally intensifying its educational as well as cultural exchanges, supporting dialogue among individuals themselves, and offering to train technical specialists from the One Belt One Road member states. It is not surprising that several the Middle East and North Africa Countries are taking on China’s idea. For instance, Egypt has harmonized its specific domestic economic strategy with China’s One Belt One Road primacies. The United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Jordan have followed the suit.


On the other Kemp (2012 states that, in Egypt, Chinese Corporations already have promised nearly two hundred billion to finance infrastructure, and have been conferred contracts for constructing key parts of the innovative capital to be instituted east of Cairo. China has recorded Egypt as one of the best five terminuses for mergers as well as acquisition activity under the One Belt One Road (OBOR) program. Also, on the person-to-person facade, tourism from China rise to 215% over the last two years.


The Strategic Goals of the Silk Path in The Middle East


According to Shambaugh, (2016), the last path of the ties of China’s economic and political initiative as well as martial position showed that the “Middle Kingdom” has reached to a “greater Middle East.” For many years, China trusts that energy safety is very significant to be left to the forces of the market, and therefore prioritized this issue regarding state security. China established a base in Central Asia and the area, “the four seas” together with the Middle East, via the ventures ranging from the pipeline as well as constructing new infrastructure also to rising calls from seaports. Moreover, De-yong (2008) states the nations also augmented its armed relations to safeguard those interests. Besides, if the means for extension is similar, ‘the old Silk Road,” along with the Arabian Sea that initially has brought China to the West. It was a large part of this action is entrenched in China’s propensity to understand the energy sanctuary of the opinions of the geopolitical policy instead of just a virtuously economic viewpoint. Beijing was bothered with challenging Western energy enterprise in the area. For instance, in 2009, the “China National Petrol Company” government-owned gas pipeline accomplished natural lines via the “Central Asia” to Turkmenistan on the Eastern shore of the Caspian Sea.


Economic and Trade Ties


As said by De-yong (2008) the Middle East, as the main oil supplier, evidently influenced the world economy. Moreover, the Middle East and Gulf Corporation Council republics, as the proprietors of the oil doughs, play an essential role in the financial markets of the globe. Hence, intensifying economic and trade relations progressively became a vital aim of the China foreign policy. Nevertheless, it wasn’t easy to enter the Middle East arcade, relatively since China hadn’t ambassadorial ties with some states, also partially since the products from Japan, Europe, and America had dominated the marketplace. House (2013) state that positive changes in Sino-Middle East ties at the beginning of 1980 showed that bilateral pecuniary corporation was moving to a different level. Moreover, the development of the Arab-Israel concord processes relaxed area pressure by significant, besides the industrial corporation was positioned on the regional plan House, 2013). Moreover, participating in economic restoration as well as looking for the commercial prospect in the Middle East will be useful to the economic development of both sides and uphold societal constancy in the area.


As stated by Hamashita, (2013), One Belt One Road is an essential aspect of China’s plan to expand its influence and reach all through MENA region. In large portion, his incentive is economic, not political. The Chinese pursue control of, and to access required natural resources to endure their commercial growth. It is approximated that China’s gas plus oil import reliance will reach sixty-seven percent in 2020, and it is the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) nations that will encounter that demand. G.C.C (the Gulf Cooperation Council), Iraq, and Iran today count for sixty-percent of China’s imported oil, with China nowadays the second largest oil export marketplace for these states.


According to Harold, and Nader (2012), trade relation with the Arab Countries is also an important issue for China. The aim of China is doubling trade with the area to six hundred billion dollars by 2020. It is today the primary supplying partner with the region. The Chinese are discussing a free trade precinct with the Gulf Corporation Council, besides already have instituted one with Egypt, it wouldn’t be a shock to see China seek one with Iran also


Whereas the Chinese administration is careful about taking any side in any regional conflict, Hamashita (2013) states that Chinese foreign policy in the area is suggestively more dynamic under Xi owing to the growing economic and trade relations. As China’ diplomat to the United States said, “Chinse foreign policy will unavoidably follow its investment


China's Intentional Move Towards the Middle East


According to De-yong, (2008) since China became a supplier of national energy in 1993, it has assumed a “going out” policy to purchase energy assets overseas, turning the remarkable old road into an up-to-date network of railways, roads, and pipelines to supply its persona energy This method originated from Beijing fear of the United States naval sanction on supply in an incident of hostility over Taiwan, and China’s rising need for energy (Kemp, 2012). A 2010 August indicated that China had become the first energy user in the globe, exceeding the US demand, however because of infrastructure along with the heavy industrial buildings which use energy, and the increasing development in the transportation sector. For several years, scientists, policymakers, and journalists have referred to this strategy and discussed “Silk Road” strategy. In comparison, Wang (2014) states that Chinese executives have chosen this view to induce the current chronological relations along the “Silk Road,” whereas they try to expand ties with republics in the Middle East, v, and Central Asia. To solve these issues, China joined the” Shanghai Corporation Organization. Moreover, Harold, and Nader (2012) states that the organization that was established in 2001, comprising of Central Asian states, such as Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan and Russia to attain a steady economic growth Central Asia, and met three aims, such as change of energy springs from the Arabian Gulf, and comforting the troubled Xinjiang province.


Conclusion


Several countries in the region depend on the role of the “Silk Road” inventiveness to maximize the social and economic growth. However, this ambitious ingenuity faced several difficulties, most remarkably the situation of the Middle East that is unstable, and the supremacy of the US and its Western partners who would not leave China’s choice of movement to threaten this supremacy. With this in mind that there is a trend that future would be to the east, both African and Asian nations, something that worried the West, also put it in conflict with the new drifts site. It is the security threat along the silk road track; the barrier to the attainment of the initiative, and the purpose to provide a necessary subsidy to support the enterprise. These difficulties to the Chinese shifts would be connected to the level of the determination and desire of the republics positioned on the trail of the highway.



References


Cleveland, W. L., & Bunton, M. (2016). A history of the modern Middle East. Hachette UK.


De-yong, D. B. S. S. (2008). A Research on the Relationship of Foreign Trade, FDI and Environment Pollution: 1995-2005 [J]. Journal of International Trade, 4, 18.


Fernandez A, E.Hogenboom, (2006). B China’s Growing Economic and Political Power. Effects on the Global South. Population (Millions), 1(726), 546.


Garrisi, C. (2015). The shift of power between China and United States in the MENA region: how the people’s Republic of China is substituting America inside Middle Eastern and North African economies.


Halpern, M. (2015). Politics of Social Change: In the Middle East and North Africa. Princeton University Press.


Hamashita, T. (2013). China, East Asia and the global economy: Regional and historical perspectives. Routledge.


Harold, S. W., & Nader, A. (2012). China and Iran: economic, political, and military relations. Rand Corporation.


House, F. (2013). Freedom in the world 2013: Democratic breakthroughs in the balance. Freedom House, Washington, DC.


Kemp, G. (2012). The East Moves West: India, China, and Asia's Growing Presence in the Middle East. Brookings Institution Press.


Lampton, D. M. (2013). A new type of major-power relationship: Seeking a durable foundation for US-China ties. Asia Policy, 16(1), 51-68.


Moran, M., & Parry, G. (2015). Democracy and democratization. Routledge.


Shambaugh, D. (2016). China Engages Asia. Reshaping the regional order. Retrieved from November 2018 from http://belfercenter.hks. Harvard.edu/publication/632/China_Engages_Asia html.


Wang, Z. (2014). Never forget national humiliation: Historical memory in Chinese politics and foreign relations. Columbia University Press.

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