In an era characterized by different societal challenges, the media has emerged as perhaps the biggest law enforcement most formidable enemy. For a very long time the media has been perceived as a source of political and social empowerment (Mawby 2014). Therefore, the information they provide has a significant influence on the public's attitudes, perceptions, beliefs, and patterns of voting. In this regard, it can be argued that different interest groups including those involved in the policing activity try as much as possible to influence the content provided by the media in order to shape the public's opinion (Mawby 2014). The powers given to the media is a representation of the level to which the different interest groups practice control over the message portrayed to their individual interest thus proof that reporting of policing activity is not fair and partial. Those involved in policing activities wield media power through police-media relations offices thus achieving a more favorable media image.
Strong mutual relationships between the media and the police agencies are essential in maintaining safety within the public besides effective policing. There is a high dependency of cooperation between the two in order for information to reach the public and also partner up in establishing crime and disorder issues (Mawby 2014). Similarly, the willingness of the public to consider the information provided by the media rests on how the policing activity reflects on the community's values while adhering to the principles of procedural justice and legitimacy (Mawby 2014). Recent events, relating to how reliable the information provided from reporting policing activity by the media, have led to concerns whether it is necessary, fair and impartial.
Arguments against
Managing impression
Basing on the metaphor of the theatrical performance of social life developed by Goffman (Williams 2016) as well as the conceptualization of the dramaturgy of police work (Gary Howard et al. 2004), there is a relationship between how police agencies put to use the art of managing impression and media services. Unlike past studies that mainly dwelled on the role played by the reporter and news organization in identifying social issues, current ones major on how the police try to shape the public's image of crime. It replicates how the media is engaged by the police to portray a positive image that further helps achieve crime prevention goals. For one to assess the relationship between the police and media power, these relations have to be looked into from different angles (Weisburd 2011). Moreover, the context within which the police-media relations take place has to be clearly understood.
The relationship between communication media and authority implies that in the event information control is lost by those in power, their relevancy and authority within the social order are always at risk. Therefore, everything revolves around information management (U.S. Department of Justice 2002). The police are always tasked with maintaining social order thus will make efforts to shape the nature and content of information in regards to their social standing. They are further considered as primary authority figures in society thus their negative appearance on media headlines threatens their legitimacy. The presence and adoption of electrically moved information create an artistic aim by police agents in managing news thus making media reporting on policing activities partial and unfair (U.S. Department of Justice 2002).
There are different regions that social actors allow for public viewing and the back region is defined by the laxity of these social actors. Issues are always inevitable when non-scripted actions or information are accessed by an unintended audience (U.S. Department of Justice 2002). In this case, the social actors are the police while the unintended audience is the media. Since penetration into this region conceals the behavior of back region social actors, measures are usually put in place for damage control. The intrusiveness of the media has made it a modern necessity for the police to conform to the media formats thus enabling them to meet the demands of a media driven society.
For any group within society to maintain relevancy and legitimacy, it largely relies on its ability as a social actor to maintain a reputable public image. The police and media hold positions characterized by necessity and authority respectively thus appear complacent due to the privileges they enjoy (U.S. Department of Justice 2002). As a result, they will strive to consciously express themselves in a way that is in line with their individual goals. The media hence expresses qualities aimed at only maintaining their legitimacy in social standings making the reporting on policing activities unnecessary, unfair and partial.
Nature of crime information
Generally, media reports on policing activity are common since the police are primarily involved in crime news. They act as official sources concerning any crime related information within the society, detailing how the government acts to local events (Nam 2015). Similarly to how the media operates, they are tasked with providing different accounts or irregular events. Irrespective of this, they still do not easily welcome the role to the media and community regarding crime information considering they are aware of how pros pensive such information can lead to fear through sensationalization (Nam 2015). There are specific policies that guide the policies on the type of information to be released to the press, the parameters of media access during crime scenes investigations and where applicable the chain of command to be followed when releasing any information to the media (Nam 2015). The frustration experienced by journalists at incident scenes accompanied by efforts to achieve a news story through non-official news sources places at risk the reputation of the policing activity. Figures from the national survey show that only about 30% of police agencies allow line officers to provide information to the media (U.S. Department of Justice 2002).
Not all events call for the media to report on policing activity. Those that pose fewer risks to the image of the police can adopt a single objective approach unlike when the media questions the actions of law enforcement that require effective impression management. For the police to maintain a public image that allows the media to report on policing activity, other factors such as budgetary and personnel constraints, changing population characteristics, and nature of the political environment have to be adjusted (U.S. Department of Justice 2002).
Accidents
Media reporting on policing activity is not always necessary, fair and impartial due to the fact that police agents are not immune to accidents or scandals. In this case, the media takes advantage of the situation rendering police agents vulnerable to scrutiny from the public. Lawrence (1996) conducted a study on news coverage on how the police applied force in the Los Angeles Times from 1987 to 1992 (U.S. Department of Justice 2002). He aimed at determining the impacts certain media stories about police abuse of force had on the public's reliance on reporters as well as official and indexed news sources. The study revealed that accidental occurrences accompanied by conflicting opinions about interpretations of events by officials created an opportunity for media organizations to emphasize on non-official interpretations of why force was applied by police (U.S. Department of Justice 2002). Those interviewed after the incident comprised of only alleged victims, their families and attorneys, and activist groups, therefore, proving difficult to officially interpret police misconduct. In some occasions, the media end ups being uneasy relying on police agencies in an attempt to avoid being uncritical publicists of police practices (U.S. Department of Justice 2002). Eventually, the media temporarily does away with relying on the police agents during such times leaving different groups to criticize the police authority.
Criteria to be met
Previous studies suggest that despite being news sources relied upon by the media, the police have been known to be selective on the type of information revealed to the media while even to some extent controlling how crime-related news and events are interpreted. One study identified that only when specific criteria established are met is when primary information is considered to be availed as crime news (Caeti et al. 2005). All crime news is usually police generated information since they are 'gatekeepers' (Marenin 2005). The police agents are better placed in the news selection process since the media's world is drawn to that of the police rather than the other way round. Any media outlet that intends to gain knowledge about crime relies only on official sources of the police so as inform the public implying that media reporting on policing activity can be considered as not being necessary, fair and impartial.
Pro-active approaches
As a result of the emergence of new forms of technology used by the media and more emphasis directed by the media towards police-citizen disputes over the years, a more proactive approach has been adopted by the policing agents so as to maintain a favorable public image to the public. Specifically, most policing agents have established public information officers who have sufficient training in media communication so as to primarily engage the media and achieve the policing objectives (Cooke and Sturges 2009).
Arguments for
Reflexivity
On the other hand, for a society to be described as being modern focus has to be given on the level to which media technology fosters reflexive monitoring of public behavior, thus impacting the already established social life patterns. Reflexivity is the process by which social actors impact public behavior based on the type of information they obtain regarding their conduct (Nairn et al. 2012). In most occasions, organizations and institutions plan for future actions from the evaluations they obtain of their past actions. The manner in which reporting policing activity by the media contributes to police reflexivity proves the media as being necessary, fair and impartial. For the police, such evaluations arise from coverage by media on their daily activities, therefore, prompting change on the entire performance. As a result, the media acts as a social force that is entitled to shape public opinion and personal and collective behavior (Bergman 2017).
Reporting the policing activity further help project the interpretations of police work to the public. Reforming their strategies helps the police acknowledge and address all issues raised. An example includes that of the early police departments that were characterized by massive corruption cases due to how they integrated with political environments (Babović 2000). The initial policing strategy was decentralized and placed more emphasis on close ties with the community. Regardless of how police agents managed to integrate easily into neighborhoods, there was no organizational control over the officers, therefore, operations were highly inefficient and disorganized. The rate at which the police agents engaged in vices proved to be unfortunate realities. The fact that the media played a significant role in shaping the political environment was replicated in policing activities (Babović 2000). The development of new media technology helped expose corruption and inefficiencies that later led to a number of reforms being implemented in the organization, structure, and nature of policing activities. The media has created a new dimension to contemporary policing which establishes new standards of reality, whereby, different public performances can be measured against.
Conclusion
In conclusion, impression management by the police constructions of news proves to be an area yet to be extensively studied both at a criminological and journalistic perspective. Many of the issues being focused on concerning the process of crime news making portray the police as inactive agents in the creation of crime narratives. Hence, police are considered as news 'gatekeepers' who decide on what type of information to share with the media as well as withholding. Since the police appear to be among the most visible public officials, majority of their actions still end up being among the interests prioritized by the media. Therefore, the policing activity should always consider that back stage performances still are subject to front stage view. On the other hand, the media should acknowledge the fact that reporting of the policing activity has an effect on police agencies' impression management thus is considered not to be necessary, fair and impartial.
Bibliography
Babovic´, B. (2000). Police brutality or police torture. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies " Management, 23(3), pp.374-380.
Bergman, B. (2017). Reflexivity in Police Education. Nordisk politiforskning, 4(01), pp.68-88.
Caeti, T., Liederbach, J. and Bellew, S. (2005). Police-Media Relations at Critical Incidents: Interviews from Oklahoma City. International Journal of Police Science " Management, 7(2), pp.86-97.
Cooke, L. and Sturges, P. (2009). Police and media relations in an era of freedom of information. Policing and Society, 19(4), pp.406-424.
Gary Howard, W., Howard Donofrio, H. and Boles, J. (2004). Inter‐domain work‐family, family‐work conflict and police work satisfaction. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies " Management, 27(3), pp.380-395.
Marenin, O. (2005). Building a Global Police Studies Community. Police Quarterly, 8(1), pp.99-136.
Mawby, R. (2014). The presentation of police in everyday life: Police–press relations, impression management and the Leveson Inquiry. Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal, 10(3), pp.239-257.
Nairn, S., Chambers, D., Thompson, S., McGarry, J. and Chambers, K. (2012). Reflexivity and habitus: opportunities and constraints on transformative learning. Nursing Philosophy, 13(3), pp.189-201.
Nam, J. (2015). The limitations of the police response to the crime related to the election for public office and an improvement plan. Journal of Korean Public Police and Security Studies, 12(2), pp.67-88.
U.S. Department of Justice (2002). Media Power " Information Control: A Study of Police Organizations " Media Relations. MEDIA POWER " INFORMATION CONTROL. [online] Newark: The National Institute of Justice. Available at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/197060.pdf [Accessed 30 Dec. 2018].
Weisburd, D. (2011). Shifting crime and justice resources from prisons to police. Criminology " Public Policy, 10(1), pp.153-164.
Williams, M. (2016). POLICE SOCIAL WORK IN SOUTH AFRICA. Social Work/Maatskaplike Werk, 52(1).