IRAN'S FOREIGN AND DEFENCE POLICIES AND THE EFFECT ON ITS GENERAL STRATEGY

The changing environment brought on by local, regional, and national dynamics is reflected in Iran's foreign and security policies. The foundation of its foreign policy was formed on ideological viewpoints. For instance, the notion that the country generally held that it bore the burden of world Islam and that victory would come from faith, was a religious ideological viewpoint. Despite facing strategic limitations when it came to its execution in state relations, this idea assisted it in advancing its revolution export strategy after 1979. The country was subject to numerous regional and global challenges forcing its leaders to rethink on the scale of risks associated with ideological policies. For instance President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s did not agree with the conservative idealistic approaches of the Supreme Leader Ali Khamene’i.

The political class who are less conservative on ideological policies have decided to adopt what they termed to as a win – win strategy that combines the idealists’ concepts together with pragmatic goals. This is seen where Iran has maintained a low profile involvement in Yemen’s affairs so as to avoid direct confrontations with Saudi Arabia as well as their efforts to contain the adverse effects of economic sanctions that were catalysed by its nuclear standoff with the global powers. The foreign policy is now a product of rational evaluation of resources and strategic capacities rather than the initial approaches that only paid attention to ideological resources. Hence in an effort to optimize its power and influence, the nation has reached a new balance between strategic limits and foreign resources policy.

Introduction

Iran’s foreign and security policy is a product of numerous, and perhaps competing, aspects: the concept of Iran’s Islamic upheaval; the view of its leadership on threats to the administration and to the nation as a whole; established national interests; and the relationship between the administration’s numerous roles and constituencies. Some experts have argued that Iran’s national security and foreign strategies are anchored upon its attempts to revolutionize the power structure of the Middle East that it affirms favours America and its allies like Saudi Arabia, Israel, and the Arab administrations of the Sunni Muslims. It attributes its backing for Shiite and Islamist undertakings as support for repressed and affirms that Saudi Arabia specifically is prompting sectarian apprehension and making effort to discard it from regional matters. Others view Iran as predominantly making efforts to protect itself from America or other attempts to raid or intimidate it or to subject it to a change of regime. Its strategy could, otherwise or additionally, symbolize effort to foster its international cachet or re-establish a sense of enormity resonant to that of the Old Persian dynasties. Between 2010 and 2016, Iran’s foreign policy majorly paid attention to efforts meant to curb the devastations of international sanctions.

Iran has installed a number of apparatuses in a bid to pursue its national security strategy. Some of the tools employed are common to many nations, like employment of conventional diplomacy and public advancement of its ideals and interests. It has at some point financially facilitated some regional leaders and politicians. On other instances, American policymakers have sharply criticized what they alleged to be Iran’s direct support to some armed groups which employ terrorism to bully or revenge against Israel and its other opponents.

The country’s security and foreign policies pays attention to the Near East zone, including the activities of U.S.A., its associates, and the happenings of the region. The Near East region provides the platform where Iran’s foreign policy take effect by impacting the strategies and activities of the big powers like Russia and the Europe, that are active in this region either as allies or opponents of America’s desires in the region.

Thesis Statement

This study will analyse Iran’s foreign and defence policies and how they impact on its grand strategy by closely paying attention to the theoretical and empirical evidence.

Policy Stimulators

Iran’s security and foreign policies are outcomes of overlapping, and at times incongruous, stimulators. In fact some experts argue that constantly finds itself trapped between the decision of whether it is a country or a cause. Its leaders are endlessly trying to measure the relative importance of their radical and religious philosophies against the needs of national interests. Some of the stimulators include:

Perception of Threat

Administrators are to some extent influenced by the way they perceive threat to their leadership and national interests as posed by America and its associates. Some leaders have constantly stated that United States has never bought into the idea of Islamic revolution and pursues to assault it by facilitating internal antagonism against the regime, enforcement of economic barriers, and support regional opponents such as Saudi Arabia and Israel. Iranian leaders have continuously preached against the proliferation of Western culture in their country’s social set up and assert that they are not in line with Islamic and societal ideologies.

Its leaders have also asserted that efforts by the United States to maintain a large military force in the Persian Gulf and in other neighbouring nations is a show of hostility and intent to launch military campaigns against Iran in case it decides to undertake policies that America finds Inimical.

Ideology

Iran’s foreign policy has consistently been infused by the Islamic revolutionary principles of 1979. The revolution combated the Shah, a leader who was viewed by the revolutionists as a secular, dictatorial who repressed Islam and its leadership. A clerical administration was put in place where by a Supreme Leader was granted ultimate power and fuses religious and political power. Later on after its revolution, it attempted to export its revolution ideologies to the neighbouring Muslim nations but it abandoned the course in late 1990s because its promotion created more revolt against Iran in the region.

Leaders in the country affirmed that the economic systems of the Middle East were more inclined to America and its allies, particularly Israel and were extremely against the oppressed. The oppressed included the Palestinians who were stateless and the Shiite Muslims who were spread all over the region. Iran also alleges that the Middle East politics and economics are heavily disfigured by the Western intrusion and economic command that should be halted immediately.

The nation argues that its principles are non-sectarian, and that it supports the activities of both the Shiite and the Sunni. It rebuts its critics who hold that its ideologies are purely in favour of the activities of the Shiite Muslims. It has cited its support for the Hamas, and the Islamic Jihad of Palestine, groups of the Sunni Muslims, as evidence that it is not perpetrating a sectarian programme.

National Interests

The national interests of Iran normally merge but at times contradict its ideologies. The leadership, citing its historic sovereignty and its advanced civilization, argue that the country has the right to be recognised as a regional power. This however contradicts its history with the Persian Gulf kingdoms that form the Gulf Cooperation Council. On that respect, a majority of the its foreign policies are similar to those perpetrated by the Shah regime and the preceding regimes.

At some point, Iran has failed to meet its commitment to support other Shiite Muslims in a bid to foster its geopolitical interests. For instance it has favoured Armenia, a Christian populated country, instead of Azerbaijan, a Shiite populated country, in an attempt to stop cross-border movement of the Azeri into the Iranian Azeri majority6. The nation has also refrained from supporting the Central Asian nations Sunni revolutions that it perceives to be hostile. Irrespective of its strong stand against America and its allies by accusing them of making efforts to restructure the politics and economics of the Middle East, Iran leaders have cooperated with the U.S. allies such as Turkey in a bid to shoot down international sanctions.

Sectarian Interests and Contest

The foreign policy is a reflection of varying strategies and appearances among the critical parties and groups of interests. The constitution of Iran places the Supreme Leader as the final authority over all crucial foreign policy choices. Ali Khamene’i, who has been the Supreme Leader as from 1989, has from time to time mistrusted America’s intents towards Iran and emphasizes that his country should for that reason adapt its foreign strategy. The leader has from time to time referred to himself as a revolutionary leader not a diplomat. Leaders of various security forces such as the Iran’s military, Islamic Revolutionary Gard Corps (IRGC), and the internal security group that arose subsequent to the Islamic revolution always express their backing for Khemene’i and the dogmatic foreign strategy decisions. He says that he supports the 2015 multifaceted nuclear deal between Iran and the international community, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), but insists that his country will not alter its foreign policy and its antagonism with American policy in the region, sentiments that have been echoed by senior military commanders.

Relatively moderate leaders such as the President Hassan Rouhani have argued that Iran deserves no perpetual enemies. They maintain that the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action has greatly influenced them to come up with more pragmatic foreign policies that have eased international sanctions on the country, increased global concentration on Iran’s perceptions, and regard of new plans that have the power to make the country a regional transit and business hub. Distancing himself from the ideologies of Khamene’i and other radical leaders, Rouhani view JCPOA as a platform that could facilitate his country’s capability to foster a conducive environment for friendship and cooperation with other nations. The pragmatic leader was able to draw support from the intellectuals and the youth who yearned for greater cooperation with the international community. Other leaders like Mohammad Khatemi (president between 1997 and 2005) who were viewed as reformists paid more attention to promoting internal relaxation of social and political restrains than on what they viewed to be a draconian foreign policy. The reformists have managed to significantly change local and foreign policies.

Tools of National Security Policy

Iran has employed numerous different strategies and mechanisms with the aim of executing its foreign policy, some of which have taken the dimension of supporting armed groups that take part in international terrorism acts.

Monetary and Military Support to Associate Groups and Regimes

As an apparatus of its foreign strategy, Iran offers weapons, training, and military experts in the favour of allied regimes as well as armed groups. It is also argued that it backs radical outfits such as the Shiite militias found in Iraq, the Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Hamas group of the Palestinian Islamists, and the Yemen rebels known as the Houthi. A majority of these groups are viewed as terrorists’ organizations and as a result of its support for these terrorist groups. Iran offers its allies support, which includes shipment of weapons, advisory provision, military training, and financing, through the Qods Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC-QF) whose commanders report directly to Khamene’i. Some of the weapon support Iran offers to its allies include short range missiles, dedicated anti-tank systems, mortars, and artillery rockets.

A 2015 American State Department report viewed Iran as the biggest sponsor of terror activities, whose support ranges from monetary support, expertise support, and equipment to internationally outlawed terror groups. The State Department has also stated in the report that Iran has been working closely with the troubled Syria’s leader, Asad, to counter any opposition’s efforts. A report on the power of the Iranian military by the Defence Department of the United States in 2016 echoed the State Department report through its unclassified summary.

It is worth noting that resolution 2231 by the United Nations Security Council, which succeeded the previous JCPOA resolution, continues the United Nations sanctions against Iran. The resolutions impose an exportation upper limit to all its exports due to its continued facilitation of terror activities. The United Nations Security Council has also banned shipment of weapons to the troubled countries like Yemen and Lebanon.

Political Activities

Iran does not solely limit its security and foreign policies to military and financial support to its allies. It has been observed that it finances political activities and leaders in the neighbouring states such as Afghanistan and Iraq in a bid to cultivate its allies. For example in 2010 the then President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan publicly confessed that his country had transferred cash to his office. It also facilitates education for young Muslim to go for studies in Iran. An example of such a program is in operation in Latin America despite dismal number of Muslims in the area.

Diplomacy

Iran also applies conventional diplomatic mechanisms to advance it foreign policy. It has an active ministry that takes care of foreign matters and maintains embassies or consulates in all nations which it has diplomatic relations. The country’s president also makes numerous foreign trips to represent his country to important functions such as the United Nations General assembly conventions in New York. It also hosts leaders from other regions in Tehran. Iran also takes part in or seeks to be part of various organisations, including those that are dominated by states that are critical to its foreign strategies. Since 1990s, it has sought to join the World Trade Organisation despite the fact that this organisation is dominated by America and Europe.

Defence and Nuclear Program

Iran has hotly pursued a number of defence strategies as well as a nuclear plan that the actors in the international community perceived to have the intent of producing nuclear weapons. The following section gives an analysis of the programs.

Nuclear Program

America has particularly been concerned with Iran’s nuclear program. This is so because it perceives the acquisition of such a weapon could make Iran assume that it is immune from external military pressure. Officials from U.S.A. have affirmed that acquisition of nuclear weapons by Iran could trigger an arms race in a region a region that is perceived to volatile and that it had the capacity to transfer the nuclear technology to the internationally outlawed extremist factions. Israel has also raised its concern with Iran’s nuclear program asserting that it would be a threat to its existence.

Nuclear Intents and Undertakings

Intelligence organs in America have from time to time stated that they are not fully aware if Iran will eventually produce a nuclear weapon. They however state that following Iran’s adherence to the JCPOA is an indication that it has put on hold its long term ambition to build nuclear weapons. Supreme Leader Khamene’i has been cited from time to time saying that nuclear weapons are un-Islamic which is against the ideology that Iran stands for. Other Iranian leaders have also condemned the program asserting that it would interfere with Iran’s security as it would trigger a regional arms race or attract the attention of military powers such as Israel and America forcing them to take military action. It has however held to its assertion that its nuclear program is for peaceful uses in the medical field and generation of electricity. The International Atomic Energy Agency casted its doubts on this allegations of peaceful uses of its nuclear program when Iran conducted research on a nuclear explosive device.

Conclusion

In a bid to understand a country’s grand strategy, attention is focused to the calibration of intents and its capacity to assert its position in the international structure. However, such a country is normally faced with hard challenge of divining intents, taking the assumption that the sitting leaders know exactly what they want to achieve. This is especially the case with Iran, a country that has suffered internal divisions coupled with an impenetrable dense decision making process. Iran’s watchers have viewed the country with a split eye. For example America has viewed Iran as its national security threat citing its nuclear program as well as its stance on America’s interests in the Middle East region. Iran’s security plans have however been highly influenced by the presence of strong military powers in the region such as the United States and Israel. International sanctions from the United Nations Security Council have also moderated the way Iran crafts its grand strategy. Iran’s radical defence programs have also forced the international community to craft multilateral agreements such as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in an attempt to de-radicalize these programs that would have jeopardized peace farther in a region the community perceive to be already hostile.







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